Urgent Notice – IFNASA would like to inform esteem members of the community that due to unforeseen circumstances, the Land and Economic Summit of 24th – 28th October 2018 has been “Postponed” until further notice.
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UPCOMING EVENT: IFNASA will be having a “Identity, Land and Economic Round Table” in Cape Town, 24th November 2018.
UPCOMING EVENT: IFNASA POWER will soon launch its groundbreaking #TAKEYOURPOWERBACK Community Renewal Projects Nationwide.
IFNASA In Conversation: with Dr. Don Mattera at the end of September 2018. Email us at info@ifnasa.co.za for further details.

South Africa’s Point of No Return

South Africa’s Point of No Return

South Africa is preparing for a Revolution, a Uprising with catastrophic consequences, can we See it and are we Ready?

I decided to add a little spice to this article we placed on the IFNASA Blog some time ago. The prolific minds of Mogues and Carter (2004) suggest that an individual’s investment in “Social Capital is Shaped by Social Identity”. This may offer analyst and researchers possible perspective, that the historical lack of advancement of the Coloured Population can be explained by their “Social Identity” injustice. Likewise, the poverty stricken social standing of the majority of the Bantu-Nguni equally could be explained through the lack of “Social Capital Investment”, while Identity seems to be the salient factor in this communities demise. It clearly demonstrates a “Point of No Return” as far as socio-economic emancipation is concerned.. To make sense of what South Africa is confronted with, in terms of Economy, Land, Identity and the battle for Control of the countries Purse, called control of the Resources, we must take a few steps back and properly analyze Revolutions. We have entered an undisputed ‘Point of No Return’, like Julius Caesar and his ilk. The Land Expropriation Without Compensation Hearings has timeously push the State and the People, particularly the Proletariat, that means the poor to the edge.
Capitalist and Capitalism have been flaunting and bragging with flashy cars and exotic toys for too long and the People, the grassroots, has had enough of the charade. Those who continue to appropriate the spoils of a relatively bloodless war, a transition from apartheid to democracy, without sharing with the First Nation People and the Masses of Indigenous Bantu-Nguni Africans, are now at gunpoint and we are all caught in a subculture of chronic and institutionalized and pervasive poverty.
The Russian Revolution of 1917 was one of the most explosive political events of the twentieth century. The violent revolution marked the end of the Romanov dynasty and centuries of Russian Imperial rule. During the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks, led by leftist revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, seized power and destroyed the tradition of czarist rule. The Bolsheviks would later become the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
The Russian Revolution took place in 1917, during the final phase of World War I. It removed Russia from the war and brought about the transformation of the Russian Empire into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), replacing Russia’s traditional monarchy with the world’s first Communist state. The revolution happened in stages through two separate coups, one in February and one in October. The new government, led by Vladimir Lenin, would solidify its power only after three years of civil war, which ended in 1920.
Although the events of the Russian Revolution happened abruptly, the causes may be traced back nearly a century. Prior to the revolution, the Russian monarchy had become progressively weaker and increasingly aware of its own vulnerability (and therefore more reactionary). Nicholas II-the tsar who led Russia in the years leading up to the revolution-had personally witnessed revolutionary terrorists assassinate his grandfather and, subsequently, his own father respond to the assassination through brutal oppression of the Russian people. When Nicholas II himself became tsar in 1894, he used similarly severe measures to subdue resistance movements, which were becoming bolder and more widespread every year. As Nicholas’s newly imposed oppressions in turn incited still more unrest, he was forced to make concessions after each incident: it was in this manner that Russia’s first constitution was created, as was its first parliament. These concessions continued gradually until Nicholas II’s grip on power became very tenuous. The historical accounts of the Russian transformation exactly mirror South Africa at this juncture. The ANC, the reigning monarch is now with their backs against the wall. They too have to make a number of concessions of which the most important was to bow to their youth league called EFF demands on Land Expropriation Without Compensation, amongst others.
As Nicholas II grew weaker, Vladimir Lenin rose to prominence as the most powerful figure in Russia. Although this famous leader of the October Revolution was not even in Russia for the February Revolution-he had lived in self-imposed exile in Europe since 1900 and returned to Russia only in April 1917-he nonetheless exerted tremendous influence. Whatever history’s judgment of him, few other Russian revolutionaries possessed Lenin’s decisiveness and strength of vision for Russia’s future. Born in 1870 in the provincial town of Simbirsk as Vladimir Ilich Ulyanov, the young Lenin was profoundly affected by his older brother Alexander’s 1887 execution for being involved in a plot to assassinate the tsar. As a young adult, Vladimir joined the resistance movement himself and took the pseudonym Lenin but swore that he would never engage in the sort of “adventurism” that had ended his brother’s life. Nevertheless, his actions would one day become very adventurous indeed. To that extent, we too can now extract valuable lessons and data from his life stories.
The revolution that Lenin led marked one of the most radical turning points in Russia’s 1,300-year history: it affected economics, social structure, culture, international relations, industrial development, and most any other benchmark by which one might measure a Revolution. We continue to hear that the economy should not be destabilized as the country navigate a difficult transition. What does that mean? How are we going to effect change without rattling the economic cage? It’s inconceivable. We must redesign the structure of the economy if we are going to Liberate South Africans. Although the new Russian government of the time, would prove to be at least as repressive as the one it replaced, the country’s new rulers were drawn largely from the intellectual and working classes rather than from the aristocracy-which meant a considerable change in direction for Russia. This again, mirrors the South African reality today.
Lenin, was by far my favorite character in history at school, although I couldn’t perceive the extent of that the Revolution, that it happened to real people and that it was a reality and not fiction. I thought it to be the imagination of historians of the time. The Russian Revolution opened the door for Russia to fully enter the industrial age. Prior to 1917, Russia was a mostly agrarian nation that had dabbled in industrial development only to a limited degree. By 1917, Russia’s European neighbors had embraced industrialization for more than half a century, making technological advancements such as widespread electrification, which Russia had yet to achieve. After the revolution, new urban-industrial regions appeared quickly in Russia and became increasingly important to the country’s development. The population was drawn to the cities in huge numbers. Education also took a major upswing, and illiteracy was almost entirely eradicated. What we do in South Africa to prepare for the Revolution and post the Revolution is critical, the Russian accounts are sobering and enviable. History should be our teacher so that we don’t fail our people. What format the Revolution will take, is not entirely clear, what is visible is a rebut of the status quo.
Although the events of the Russian Revolution happened abruptly and hoping that we in SA can learn something from it, the causes may be traced back nearly a century. Prior to the revolution, the Russian monarchy had become progressively weaker and increasingly aware of its own vulnerability (and therefore more reactionary). The monarch in South African context is the ANC and they too have become acutely aware of their vulnerability as the ruling party, hence the knee-jerk reaction of changing the country’s constitution without the required constitutional mandatory public participation concluded. It’s a moment of desperation and they will do anything to cling on to power. Although this power remains superficial and inconsequential, at least economically speaking.
There is way too much talk happening on social media platforms. Some of us, who work tirelessly on the Khoe and San Coloured People’s Liberation project and the general freedom of all Oppressed South Africans, we see the signs of renewal on the horizon, while rejection is becoming palpable, transparent and for that reason we should desist the unnecessary long winded conjecture. We need strategist.
I’m not trying to denounce the contributions of others, but it’s important that we get to a point where we fully engage the extent of the Program of Action. National consultations remains a necessity, notwithstanding, the lessons learned in the past and resent past induce all of us to properly access, analyze and interpret the status quo. Revolutions seems to be happening sporadically and almost leader-less if we take the Bouazizi account seriously. In the absence of a Collective Coherent Strategy to getting the Indigenous African People access to the Economy and Land, the masses are loosing patience and before they loose the momentum in the current leader-less crisis, in a renewed state offered all of us, this includes the Khoe and San Coloured People and Bantu – Nguni and Eurokaner nationals, the People seems to be Ready to repeat the Arab Spring in a twinkling of an eye. We must really think about our Strategy to Liberate our People? By People I mean, Indigenous First Nation and our Bantu-Nguni Nation People. It will ultimately have to come to a collective resistance of all progressive people. If we as Khoe and San Coloured People think we can fight alone, we will soon be confronted with reality.
It was in 2010 eight years ago, that a Revolutionary Youthful Cadre, the 26-year-old Mohamed Bouazizi was getting ready to sell fruits and vegetables in the rural town of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia. Many of our informal traders in SA are all too familiar with the Bouazizi’s story. They too suffer the same fate daily.
Bouazizi was the breadwinner for his widowed mother and six siblings, but he didn’t have a permit to sell the goods (Sounds * Familiar JMPD). When the police asked Bouazizi to hand over his wooden cart, he refused and a policewoman allegedly slapped him. That’s when all hell broke loose.
Angered after being publicly humiliated, Bouazizi marched in front of a government building and set himself on fire.
His act of desperation resonated immediately with others in the town. Protests began that day in Sidi Bouzid, captured by cellphone cameras and shared on the Internet. We in South Africa watched with anguish and resentment, because we all suffer like Bouazizi at the hands of a Brutally Oppressive Capitalist and Neo-Liberalism system, irrespective of religion, spiritual persuasion. We could immediately connect to his experience.
Within days, protests started popping up across the country, calling upon President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his regime to step down. About a month later, he fled.
The momentum in Tunisia set off uprisings across the Middle East that became known as the Arab Spring. A year after the young Tunisian became a martyr, where does the Arab world stand on demands for democracy? Was it worth it, many ask?
This story resonate with me as I begin to ask myself, to what extent are we willing to engage the Limpid and Unambiguous Revolution the country is confronted with? Who will Liberate the Khoe and San Coloured People and who will Liberate South Africans? Are we waiting for Bouazizi? Clearly, the uprisings of the last few years and the radical actions of some revolutionary leaders ignited a “Point of No Return”. What are we going to do with it and what are we waiting for? Who are we waiting for? What will it take to tip the scales?
One thing is sure, it’s not going to come without resistance. It doesn’t seem that the Land will be returned without conflict and combat. There is a Price to Pay for Freedom!
The momentum in Tunisia set off uprisings across the Middle East that became known as the Arab Spring, are we Ready for the SA Spring?
In the absence of S.A’s Collective Coherent Strategy to getting the Indigenous African People access to the Economy and Land, the masses are losing patience and before they lose the momentum, the current Leader-less crisis offers an opportunity of the Renewal of the State.
Are we Ready to Pay the Price? Have we reached the “Point of No Return?”

Issued by: IFNASA PRESS